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What a Difference PR Makes (Yikes!)
By Carmelo Ruiz
The public relations (PR) business is one of the fastest growing industries in the global market economy. In order to face perils like labor unions, organized consumer activists and environmental groups, governments and corporations have come to rely more on slick PR campaigns. The peril to popular democracy posed by PR firms should not be underestimated. Using the latest communications technologies and polling techniques, as well as an array of high-level political connections, PR flacks routinely “manage” issues for government and corporate clients and “package” them for public consumption. The result is a “democracy” in which citizens are turned into passive receptacles of “disinfotainment” and “advertorials” and in which critics of the status quo are defined as ignorant meddlers and/or dangerous outsiders.
Burson-Marsteller (B-M) is the world’s largest PR firm, with 63 offices in 32 countries and almost $200 million in income in 1994. Although its name is unknown to most people– even to many in activist circles– B-M is fast becoming an increasingly important cog in the propaganda machine of the new world order.
Human Rights, Anyone?
On the human rights front, B-M has represented some of the worst violators of our age. These include:
* The Nigerian government during the Biafran war, to discredit reports of genocide.
* The fascist junta that ruled Argentina during the 70′s and early 80′s, to attract foreign investment.
* The totalitarian regime of South Korea, to whitewash the human rights situation there during the 1988 Olympics.
* The Indonesian government, which got into power through a CIA-sponsored bloodbath. (It should be pointed out, however, that B-M denies that it is handling the issue of genocide in East Timor)
* Ideological barriers are no object. B-M also represented the late communist Romanian despot Nicolae Ceaucescu.
* Other third world human rights violators that have been represented by B-M include the governments of Singapore and Sri Lanka.
Doesn’t this bother the consciences of B-M’s executives? Not at all. Commenting on his firm’s work for Argentina’s fascists, B-M founder Harold Burson said that “We regard ourselves as working in the business sector for clearcut business and economic objectives. So we had nothing to do with a lot of the things that one reads in the paper about Argentina as regards human rights and other activities”.
Corporate Environmentalism
For years B-M has been involved in major environmental issues all over the world, not hesitating to give polluters a helping hand when confronted by activist groups and/or government regulations. Many transnational corporations have turned to B-M for help in the creation of a pedantic, elitist and corporate-oriented brand of environmentalism. It is the hope of entrepreneurial sectors and neoliberal demagogues that this type of safe and harmless environmental activism will displace the more militant and agressive grassroots groups.
B-M’s environmental services have benefited industrial polluters, such as the following:
* Babcock & Wilcox, when its nuclear power plant in Three Mile Island had its famous mishap in 1979.
* Union Carbide, to handle the public relations crisis caused by the Bhopal tragedy in 1984.
* Exxon, to counter the negative press coverage it got in the wake of the Exxon-Valdez oil spill in 1989.
* Ontario Hydro, an industrial concern, headed by Earth Summit secretary general Maurice Strong, which is the biggest source of CO2 emissions in Canada. This corporation is currently selling nuclear reactors to Argentina and Chile.
* The Louisiana-Pacific (L-P) logging company, famous for its union-busting, clear cutting of old growth forests and support for anti-environmental front groups. L-P hopes to convince its employees and the public that rural unemployment in North America is caused by environmental extremists and opressive government regulation and not by unsustainable logging practices or the relocation of s awmills to low-wage countries like Mexico.
* B-M formed the British Columbia Forest Alliance (BCFA), a Canadian front group which has L-P among its founding members. BCFA is campaigning against restrictions on logging and is actively work ing to smear and discredit environmentalists. Other BCFA members include Mitsubishi and Weyerhaueser.
* B-M is a key player in the nuclear industry lobby. According to Canadian journalist Joyce Nelson, B-M has for years “represented top nuclear power/nuclear weapons contractors such as General Electric, AT&T, McDonnell Douglas, Asea Brown Boveri and Du Pont. In fact, Canada’s
first Candu [nuclear] reactor sale to Argentina in the early 1970′s was later renegotiated during the reign of the military junta, for whom Burson-Marsteller did an image-cleanup from 1976-1981″. In addition to this, since 1993 B-M subsidiary Black, Manafort, Stone & Kelly (see sidebar) has been representing Nordion International, a newly-privatized subsidiary of Atomic Energy of Canada Ltd., Canada’s state-owned nuclear power company.
* B-M coordinated the oil industry’s campaign to discredit and destroy president Clinton’s proposal for a BTU tax.
* A B-M executive sits on the board of Keep America Beautiful, a front for the packaging and waste hauling industries that lobbies against mandatory recycling laws, especially the passage of a national bottle bill in the US.
B-M’s most powerful and influential ‘environmental’ client is the Business Council for Sustainable Development (BCSD), an eco-capitalist outfit founded by Swiss banker Stephan Schmidheiny. A leading theorist and advocate of neoliberal dogma and corporate environmentalism, Schmidheiny agressively combines entrepreneurship and statesmanship. He is a board member of NestlE9, and a director and shareholder (5% owner) of B-M client Asea Brown Boveri. BCSD’s original task was to act behind the scenes at the 1992 Earth Summit, which was chaired by the current head of B-M client Ontario Hydro Maurice Strong, to neutralize and silence any voices critical of the irresponsible behavior of polluting corporations. In the words of Joyce Nelson, “With the able assistance of public relations giant Burson-Marsteller, a very elite group of business people (including B-M itself) was seemingly able to plan the agenda for the Earth Summit with little interference from NGO’s or government leaders.” Nowadays BCSD is advocating free markets and unfettered corporate activity as the only salvation of the environment. Its members include the CEO’s of Asea Brown Boveri, Browning Ferris Industries, Ciba-Geigy, Dow Chemical, DuPont, BCFA member Mitsubishi, Maurice Strong’s Ontario Hydro, Royal Dutch-Shell, and companies from Argentina, Brasil, Chile, Spain, India, Kenya, Nigeria, Thailand and Venezuela.
Dirty Tricks and Front Groups
B-M was hired by the pharmaceutical corporation Eli Lilly and Monsanto subsidiary Nutra Sweet to promote the use of the genetically-engineered synthetic bovine growth hormone rBGH. This hormone, which increases milk output in cows, is strongly opposed by dairy farmers and consumer and
environmental activist groups. Their two main arguments are that 1) There is already a milk glut in the US. To bring more of it into the market would depress prices so severely that small dairy farmers would be run out of business; and 2) the use of rBGH has already been linked to severe health problems in cows and to calves born with grotesque birth defects.
B-M’s campaign to neutralize the opposition to rBGH included the use of
spies to penetrate activist groups. This fact became public when
University of Vermont spokesperson Nicola Marro admitted that a mole had
been placed in an anti-rBGH ad-hoc group headed by Jeremy Rifkin, a well-
known critic of biotechnology and author of several books. Participants
in the group singled out a woman named Diane Moser as a suspect. Moser,
who attended a Washington DC meeting of the group, avoided small talk and
read a paperback during the meeting. Vermont state representative Andrew
Christiansen, who a ttended the meeting, told journalist John Dillon that
“She said she represented housewives concerned about BGH…I had
suspicions immediately. I’ve never seen anybody with a paperback coming
to a me eting like that”. When the activists called the number she left
in the sign-up sheet, it rang in the Washington DC offices of Burson-
Marsteller. B-M executive Timothy Brosnahan acknowledged that Moser was
a B-M employee but denied knowing of any snooping on her part.
A freedom of information act (FOIA) request by activists Tim Atwater and
John Stauber, who were then with Rural Vermont and the Foundation on
Economic Trends respectively, uncovered a broader pattern of espionage
against foes of rBGH. Atwater and Stauber’s FOIA request uncovered
documents of the quasi-governmental, farmer-funded National Dairy Board
(NDB), which promotes rBGH. These documents revealed that the NDB hired
the PR firm of Creswell, Munsell, Fultz & Zirbel (CMF&Z). This firm is a
subsidiary of communications conglomerate Young & Rubicam (Y&R), which
happens to be B-M’s parent company. Given that Y&R represents rBGH
backer Monsanto, Stauber concluded that “The day-to-day work is done out
of Burson-Marsteller and CMF&Z. But I’m sure there’s overall coordination
with Young & Rubicam”. Stauber is now editor of PR Watch, a newsletter
that provides critical reporting on the PR industry, and is co-author,
along with Sheldon Rampton, of Toxic Sludge is Good for You: Lies, Damn
Lies and the Public Relations Industry (Common Courage Press, 1995).
B-M works for Hydro-Quebec (H-Q) promoting the James Bay 2 project. If
the final stages of the construction of James Bay 2 are finished, it will
become the most destructive hydroelectric project in the history of North
America, disrupting the ecological balance of an area the size of France
and permanently displacing the Cree and Inuit indigenous populations in
the area. To undermine grassroots opposition to James Bay 2, B-M created
a phony group of concerned citizens called the Coalition for Clean and
Renewable Energy (CCRE), which was headed by Harvey Schultz, former head
of New York City’s department of environmental protection. According to
John Dillon, “Schultz, Burson-Marsteller, and (CCRE) have hosted briefing
sessions for academics, and business and community leaders– opinion
makers who can carry the good word about Hydro-Quebec back to their
institutions”.
The state of Vermont has proved particularly reluctant to buy electricity
from H-Q because of pressure from local activists. In order to
counteract this threat, B-M hired the Vermont law firm of Sherman &
Kimbell to lobby the state government in favor of electricity purchases
from H-Q. This law firm registered as a foreign agent under the Foreign
Agents Registration Act, which requires America n lobbyists to list
their foreign clients and how much they’re being paid to represent them.
However, since B-M itself has refused to register as a foreign agent for
H-Q, most of its work for the James Bay 2 project remains a secret.
Selling NAFTA
In 1990 the Mexican government hired B-M to sell NAFTA to the American
public, media and politicians. B-M subcontracted this job to one of its
subsidiaries, The Brock Group (TBG), a consulting firm that has done work
for American Express, Bell Atlantic, Bacardi, Toyota and the Taiwanese
government. TBG is headed by former senator, Republican National
Committee chairman, US trade representative and labor secretary William
Brock. He was certainly qualified for the job. As US trade
representative, Brock engineered the Caribbean Basin Initiative and the
US-Israel Free Trade Agreement, and began the negotiations that would
eventually culminate in the signing of the US-Canada Free Trade
Agreement.
William Brock co-chairs the Multilateral Trade Negotiations (MTN)
Coalition, which was founded in 1990 to ‘educate’ the public– and lobby
for–the now-completed Uruguay Round of the General Agreement on Tariffs
and Trade (GATT). The coalition’s members include American Express,
General Motors, IBM, General Electric, Cargill, Citicorp, Procter &
Gamble and other companies and trade associations. According to
Malaysian activist Martin Khor Kok Peng, the MTN Coalition had a big
influence on the 1990 G-7 Summit meeting held in Houston, USA, in which
GATT figured prominently. At the Houston Summit, MTN held a high-
profile press conference and released a report by an ‘eminent persons
group’ on world trade.
The Contra Connection
One of TBG’s top executives happens to be former Miami businessman and
ambassador to Venezuela Otto Reich. During the Reagan administration,
the Cuban-born Reich headed the US state department’s Office of Public
Diplomacy (OPD), whose task was to disseminate disinformation about the
Sandinistas and discourage reporting critical of the contras. This
outfit, whose operations were later found to be illegal by the US General
Accounting Office, was staffed with five psychological warfare
specialists from the 4th Psychological Operations Group of Fort Bragg.
According to John Stauber and Sheldon Rampton, “the OPD…helped spread a
scurrilous story that some American reporters had received sexual favors
from Sandinista prostitutes in return for writing slanted stories”. In
1987, after the US Congress shut down the OPD, congressman Jack Brooks
called it “an important cog in the (Reagan) administration’s effort to
manipulate public opinion and congressional action”.
Interestingly enough, the OPD was conceived at an August 1983 meeting
between then CIA director William Casey and a small group of PR industry
executives. The meeting, whose purpose was to create a propaganda
strategy for the Nicaraguan contras, was attended by B-M senior vice-
president Kenneth D. Huszar and Philip Morris publicist James Bowling,
who later moved to B-M. Their advice to Casey included the creation of
a communications function within the White House, a recommendation that
led to the creation of the OPD.
B-M, Mexico and the Neoliberal Project
B-M’s success in insuring the passage of NAFTA encouraged the Mexican
governing elite to retain the firm’s services. It now has a luxurious
office in the posh Colonia Anzures district on Mexico City that caters to
customers like the Council of Businessmen, the National Stockbrokers’
Association, the ministry of commerce and industrial development, and the
Office of the President of the Republic. In addition to this, B-M parent
Young & Rubicam rakes in over $100 million every year from Mexican
clients. It is not an exaggeration to say that the credibility of the
neoliberal project in the western hemisphere hinges on Mexico.
Businessmen, politicians and neoliberal ideologues all over the
hemisphere have touted Mexico as a symbol of capitalist success because
of its privatization policy and its faithful adherence to the economic
formulas prescribed by multilateral development banks (a.k.a. the
Bretton Woods institutions). After the massive expenditure of political
energy in getting NAFTA passed, business elites in both Mexico and the US
are hard-pressed to put on a convincing performance in order to give
credibility to future trade agreements. Bringing Guatemala and Chile
into NAFTA has already become an agenda item.
However, neoliberal designs for Mexico are endangered by a series of
crises, including the blatantly fraudulent elections of 1994, the
embarassing collapse of the peso, revelations of drug-related corruption
that compromise the Mexican elite all the way up to the president’s
office, a spate of political assassinations that seems to be beheading
the ruling political party’s leadership, and the popularity of the
EjE9rcito Zapatista de LiberaciF3n Nacional (EZLN). B-M has a lot of
work to do in Mexico. In the words of reporter Jon Reed, who
investigated B-M’s activities in Mexico, “Burson-Marsteller and other
Mexican and transnational PR firms have demonstrated their effectiveness
by working behind the scenes– gauging public opinion, counseling
government and corporate leaders, shaping media coverage, and
facilitating elite-to-elite communications– in short, guaranteeing that
the inevitable upheavals in an authoritarian and unjust society do not
interrupt business as usual”.
Destroying Health Care
One of NAFTA’s most nefarious consequences will be the dismantlement of
Canada’s government-run health care system. Since it places very strict
limits on what domestic or foreign corporations can do, its more
progressive features–such as compulsory licensing in order to control
drug costs– will eventually be challenged as barriers to trade. Once
the Canadian system is gutted by NAFTA’s notoriously secretive and
undemocratic dispute resolution mechanisms, Canadian citizens will have
no choice but to turn to the ‘free market’ for medical services and
insurance.
However, American and Canadian pharmaceutical and insurance companies
that want to crack open the Canadian market are frustrated by the fact
that Canadians are very happy with their health care system. Worse yet,
more and more Americans, especially in Vermont, are now calling for the
introduction of single-payer health insurance in their country–a step in
the direction of a Canadian-style system. This presents a grave problem
for neoliberal demagogues, since it exposes the basic conflict between
capitalism and democracy.
Enter Burson-Marsteller’s health care unit, whose staff includes “a
medical doctor/physician; former FDA (Food and Drug Administration)
commissioner; former hospital administrator; former pharmaceutical
communications executives; former non-profit communications chiefs;
grassroots specialists, and former reporters” according to the senior
editor of O’Dwyer’s newsletter, which monitors the PR business.
B-M has plenty of experience in matters of public health. On behalf of
client Philip Morris, B-M created the National Smokers’ Alliance (NSA) to
fight against smoking restrictions. According to John Stauber and
Sheldon Rampton, the NSA “is a state-of-the-art campaign that uses full-
page newspaper ads, direct telemarketing, paid canvassers, (toll free)
numbers and newsletters to bring thousands of smokers into its ranks
each week. By 1995 NSA claimed a membership of 3 million smokers”. The
NSA is headed by B-M vice-president Thomas Humber and its members include
B-M executives Pierre Salinger and Kennetz Rietz, as well as Peter Kelly,
senior partner of B-M subsidiary Black, Manafort, Stone & Kelly (see
sidebar). In addition to this, B-M was hired by the A.H. Robbins company
when its Dalkon Shield IUD contraceptive injured thousands of women who
used it, and it is now currently promoting the ‘virtues’ of Eli Lilly’s
anti-depressant wonder drug Prozac.
The winners of the health care debate in the US were beyond any doubt the
pharmeceutical transnational corporations (eleven of which are B-M
clients) and the major insurance companies (which include B-M clients Met
Life, Equitable Life, Aetna, State Farm and Mutal of Omaha). Now both
businesses are vertically integrating themselves into superconglomerates
known as health maintenance organizations (HMO’s). According to Joyce
Nelson, “During 1994 both the pharmaceutical industry and the private
insurance industry consolidated into even bigger players on the health
care scene, with B-M playing a major role in arranging the mergers among
its clients”. HMO’s are not required to cover all illnesses or people,
but can instead discriminate against elderly citizens and/or people with
health problems in order to reduce operating costs.
What can we do?
The awesome power of the ‘manufactured consent’ of the mass media,
created in no small part by PR firms like Burson-Marsteller, can be
discouraging to many politically aware citizens. However, despair is
what the PR business sells: despair from even the smallest possibility of
positive social change from below. If we are to believe that organized
citizens cannot effectively challenge corporate and government power,
then the PR flacks will have truly triumphed. But, as Rampton and
Stauber say in their book, “The fact that corporations and governments
feel compelled to spend billions of dollars every year manipulating the
public is a perverse tribute to human nature and our own moral values”.
The author is a Puerto Rican journalist living in Vermont, where he is a
guest lecturer and research associate at Goddard College’s Institute for
Social Ecology.
Recommended reading: PR Watch. This quarterly newsletter, edited by John
Stauber, provides a progressive and critical perspective on the public
relations business. 3318 Gregory Street, Madison, Wisconsin 53711, USA.
Sources:
Center for Public Integrity. Private Parties: Political Party Leadership in Washington’s Mercenary Culture. 1992.
Center for Public Integrity. The Trading Game: Inside Lobbying for the North American Free Trade Agreement. 1993.
Deal, Carl. The Greenpeace Guide to Anti-Environmental Front Groups. Odonian Press, 1993.
Dillon, John. “Burson-Marsteller: Poisoning the Grassroots” Covert Action Quarterly: Spring 1993.
Greenpeace. The Greenpeace Book of Greenwash. 1992.
Khor Kok Peng, Martin. The Uruguay Round and Third World Sovereignty. Third World Network. 1990.
Nelson, Joyce. “The Time of the Hangman” Adbusters: Winter 1989-1990.
Nelson, Joyce. “Burson-Marsteller, Pax Trilateral and the Brundtland Gang vs. The Environment” Covert Action Quarterly: Spring 1993.
Nelson, Joyce. “Dr. Rockefeller Will See You Now” Z Magazine: May 1995.
Nelson, Joyce. “NAFTA’s Nuclear Agenda” Z Magazine: June 1995.
Parry, Robert. Fooling America: How Washington Insiders Twist the Truth and Manufacture the Conventional Wisdom. Morrow, 1992.
Rampton, Sheldon & Stauber, John. Toxic Sludge is Good for You: Lies, Damn Lies and the Public Relations Industry. Common Courage Press, 1995.
Reed, Jon. “Interview with the Vampire: PR Helps the PRI Drain Mexico Dry” PR Watch: fourth quarter, 1994.
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